O sistema de negociação diária forex por laz lorenzo

Afro-cubanos (afro-cubanos) são cubanos que são em sua maioria descendentes de africanos subsaarianos. O termo afro-cubanos inclui os elementos históricos ou culturais em Cuba que se pensa emanarem desta comunidade, bem como a combinação de elementos culturais africanos e outros encontrados na sociedade cubana, como raça, religião, música, língua, artes e cultura de classe. . Afro-cubanos bonitos e amantes da música. Courtesy blog. moodifoodi / Ao contrário de outros países da América Latina onde os descendentes de africanos podem ser encontrados em determinada região do estado, os afro-cubanos, por outro lado, podem ser encontrados em todos os cantos de Cuba. No entanto, Cuba oriental tem uma maior concentração de negros do que outras partes da ilha, e Havana tem a maior população de negros de qualquer cidade em Cuba. Recentemente, muitos imigrantes africanos vêm a Cuba, especialmente de Angola. Além disso, imigrantes da Jamaica e do Haiti estão se estabelecendo em Cuba, a maioria dos quais se instala na parte leste da ilha, devido à proximidade de seu país de origem, contribuindo ainda mais para a já alta porcentagem de negros naquele lado da ilha. Dançarinos afro-cubanos tocam em Havana durante o festival de Wemilere, um evento tradicional que reconhece as raízes africanas. AFP / Getty Images Deve-se enfatizar que, até as últimas décadas do século XVIII, Cuba era uma ilha relativamente subdesenvolvida, com uma economia baseada principalmente na pecuária e nas fazendas de tabaco. O cultivo intensivo de açúcar que começou na virada do século XIX transformou Cuba em uma sociedade de plantation, e a demanda por escravos africanos, que haviam sido introduzidos em Cuba na Espanha no início do século 16, aumentou dramaticamente. Os afro-cubanos são descendentes de diversos grupos étnicos africanos enviados para Cuba para cultivar a plantação de cana-de-açúcar, enriquecendo assim os capitalistas europeus. Os africanos escravizados eram dos portos de Elmina, Pepper Coast, Daomé, Bight de Biafra e portos da África Central e Oriental. Os grupos étnicos que formavam as partes centrais dos africanos escravizados eram particularmente iorubás (ou lucumi), igbo e kongo (povo banto), mas também arar (ovelha, fon, aja, mina), carabal (efik, ibibio, ekoi, annang). Mandingo, Fula (Fulani / Fulbe), Makua, Mina (Akans e outros escravos de Gold Coast) e outros. O carregamento de africanos para a escravidão em Cuba, especialmente o transporte de escravos da costa da África Ocidental, explodiu, e estima-se que quase 400.000 africanos foram trazidos para Cuba durante os anos 1835-1864. (Isso é cerca de 1150 por mês durante 29 anos) Já em 1532, os negros formavam 62,5% da população. Em 1841, os escravos africanos compunham mais de 40 da população total. Belo vestido afro-cubano em seu traje tradicional Além dos africanos escravizados vindos diretamente do continente africano, havia um grande número de haitianos e jamaicanos que foram importados para Cuba. Perto do final de 1912, Gmez autorizou a United Fruit Company a trazer 1.400 haitianos. Sob Menocal, de 1913-21, 81.000 haitianos e 75.000 jamaicanos foram admitidos. Além disso, estima-se que entre 1913 e 1927 40.000 negros por ano foram contrabandeados. Desde então e devido à prolongada crise econômica, poucos foram trazidos ilegalmente. As empresas que trouxeram pessoas negras durante o período da República, deveriam enviá-las de volta no final de seu contrato anual, mas isso foi evitado. Como El Pais escreveu: A imigração haitiana vem para a zafra, mas logo é desviada para as cidades e nunca volta para as plantações de seu próprio país, o resultado é que no ano seguinte é necessário introduzir outro contingente. O florescimento tardio da indústria açucareira cubana e a persistência do tráfico de escravos na década de 1860 são duas razões importantes para a notável densidade e variedade de elementos culturais africanos em Cuba. Fernando Ortiz Contou a presença de mais de cem diferentes grupos étnicos africanos no século XIX em Cuba e estimou que até o final daquele século catorze nações distintas preservaram sua identidade nas associações de ajuda mútua e clubes sociais conhecidos como cabildos, sociedades de liberdade e liberdade. negros escravizados da mesma nação africana, que mais tarde incluíram seus descendentes nascidos em Cuba. Mulher afro-cubana com seu charuto As estimativas populacionais dos afro-cubanos em Cuba são uma questão muito controversa, culminando em numerosos números destinados a reduzir o número de afro-cubanos, de modo a garantir aos estados cubanos a contínua subjugação e discriminação dos negros. Estimativas recentes do censo populacional (2002) variam de 11,06 milhões a 11,17 milhões. Pelo menos 50 da população é classificada como mulata (mestiça africana e européia), embora o privilégio cultural atribuído à brancura provavelmente faça com que muitos mulatos minimizem sua herança africana. 37% da população afirma ser exclusivamente branco e 11 é classificado como negro. O restante é chinês, resultado da importação de 132 mil trabalhadores chineses contratados entre 1853 e 1872 para substituir a perda de trabalho causada pelo fim iminente da escravidão africana. O governo duvidoso em 2002 divulgou que o censo era: Estimativas de porcentagem de etnia Brancos: 65 7.271.926 Negros: 10 1.126.894 Mulatos: 24,9 2.778.923. Total da população cubana: 11.177.743 Este censo escandaloso de 2002 incorreu em graves críticas de grande alcance contra o governo cubano. O Instituto para Estudos Cubanos e Cubano-Americanos da Universidade de Miami, um influente e respeitado Think Tank, condenou o resultado alegando que parâmetros e variáveis ​​errados foram usados ​​na coleta de dados. Os números publicados do Censo não davam nenhuma maneira de comparar negros e brancos em categorias como salário ou níveis educacionais. A organização concluiu que, se fossem usados ​​dados estatísticos corretos ou uma abordagem, emergiria que 68 dos cubanos são negros. Ramn Cols, que deixou Cuba em 2001 e agora dirige um projeto de relações raciais Afro-Cuba no Mississippi, disse que uma vez realizou sua própria pesquisa: Cinco em cada 100 veículos particulares que ele contava em Havana eram dirigidos por um cubano de cor. . A disparidade entre o censo 11 e o UMs 62 também reflete as complicadas categorias raciais em um país onde, se você parecer branco, você é considerado branco, independentemente dos genes. O Minority Rights Group International diz que uma avaliação objetiva da situação dos afro-cubanos permanece problemática devido a escassos registros e à escassez de estudos sistemáticos tanto antes quanto depois da revolução. As estimativas da porcentagem de pessoas de ascendência africana na população cubana variam enormemente, variando de 33,9% a 62%. Usa o número de 51 para mulatos. Atriz Gina Torres da série de TV Suit é descendência afro-cubana Relações raciais em Cuba foram / é uma mistura estranha. Os espanhóis brutalmente esmagaram revoltas de escravos e executaram notáveis ​​negros livres para ajudar insurreições. Quando os cubanos iniciaram uma revolta contra a Espanha em 1868, negros e escravos livres apoiaram fortemente a revolta. A estratégia anti-revolucionária da Espanha era muitas vezes contraditória, mas eficaz: eles davam liberdade aos escravos que permaneciam legalistas e assustavam os cubanos brancos que generais revolucionários negros como o general Antônio Maceo estavam conspirando para expulsar todos os brancos de Cuba. É muito estranho que depois que os negros em Cuba ajudaram nas revoluções cubanas, incluindo a que apoiavam Fidel Castro, ainda são tratados com desdém. O Estado cubano deve respeitar e reconhecer os direitos dos afro-cubanos. Como o sábio afro-cubano Fernando Ortiz disse uma vez: "Sem os negros, não há Cuba". Os afro-cubanos são os únicos descendentes afro-latino-americanos que voltaram para a África e se integraram com sucesso. Países como a Nigéria, a casa das culturas iorubá e igbo, e a Guiné Equatorial sofreram um influxo de ex-escravos de Cuba trazidos para lá como servos durante o século XVII, e novamente durante o século XIX. Na Guiné Equatorial, eles se tornaram parte dos Emancipados na Nigéria, eles se chamavam Amaros. Apesar de terem a liberdade de retornar a Cuba quando o mandato acabou, eles permaneceram nesses países, casando-se com a população indígena local. Os ex-escravos foram trazidos para a África pelas Ordens Reais de 13 de setembro de 1845 (por meio de arranjo voluntário) e uma deportação de 20 de junho de 1861 de Cuba, devido à falta de voluntários. Circunstâncias semelhantes ocorreram anteriormente durante o século XVII, onde ex-escravos de Cuba e do Brasil tiveram a mesma oportunidade. Angola também tem comunidades de afro-cubanos, Amparos. Eles são descendentes de soldados afro-cubanos trazidos para o país em 1975, como resultado do envolvimento cubano na Guerra Fria. Fidel Castro enviou milhares de tropas para o país durante a Guerra Civil Angolana. Como resultado desta era, existe uma pequena comunidade de língua espanhola em Angola, composta por afro-cubanos, com cerca de 100.000 habitantes. Essencial para qualquer entendimento de qualquer nação e sua cultura, a linguagem está intrinsecamente envolvida com a história e identidade cubana. Devido ao seu passado colonial, o espanhol é a língua principal e oficial da ilha e é isso que os afro-cubanos também falam, mas isso não significa que foi a única língua falada. Os africanos escravizados trazidos para a ilha falavam línguas que ainda hoje são usadas em Cuba, embora em contextos religiosos ou rituais, não como línguas vernáculas. Duas das línguas vernáculas africanas são Abaku e Lucum. Antes de Akua e Lucumi, os afro-cubanos costumavam falar Bozal. Bozal agora forma a base das linguagens espirituais de Lucumi e Abakua. Abaku não é uma linguagem de conversação perse, mas uma linguagem esotérica usada exclusivamente para propósitos cerimoniais que contém uma mistura de vários dialetos de iniciação (chamados argos por alguns estudiosos) da região de Cross River (Nigéria), especificamente derivados da prática kp. Abaku foi modelado nas sociedades kp leopard da região de Calabar, ilustradas por milhares de frases ritualísticas de Abaku baseadas nos códigos kp, conforme documentado pela folclorista cubana Lydia Cabrera (189982111991). A influência do espanhol é mínima, encontrada principalmente nas terminações plurais das palavras. Abakua emanava de uma variedade de grupos étnicos distintos da região de Cross River, no sudeste da Nigéria, e dos Camarões do oeste (Efik, Ekoi, Igbo, Ibibio, Annang, etc.) que foram levados como escravos para a região caribenha do século XVI ao XIX. Como o porto do qual muitos partiram se chamava Old Calabar, muitos deles ficaram conhecidos como Calabar nas Américas latinas. Assim, os Calabaris são os criadores da linguagem ritual dos Abakuas em Cuba. A maioria das palavras rituais de Abakua são da lingua franca Efik-Ibibio. Por exemplo, Ekrio Enyne Abaku, o nome da sociedade em Cuba, é interpretado como grupo 8220a fundado por uma mãe sagrada que é chamada Abaku.8221 Esta frase é entendida por falantes de Qua-jghm em Calabar como Ekoea Nyen bkp (a floresta é a mãe da comunidade bkp), um significado apreciado pelos líderes da Abaku. A palavra de Abaku reme (dançarina do espírito) deriva do fk dm kue (tambor sagrado) deriva do fk kp (leopardo), Ese filho ereniyo de mue significa Aqueles são os olhos da mulher. A língua Abaku influenciou o discurso popular cubano, como na palavra chbere (chvere), que é usada popularmente para significar 8220valiano, maravilhoso, excelente8221 após Ma8217 chbere, um título do dignatário Abaku Mokngo. Os termos abaku ekbio e monna (ambos significando 8220ruígo irônico8221) são usados ​​como cumprimentos padrão entre os homens urbanos cubanos. Asre (saudações) deriva do fk esiere (boa noite). O jargão de rua inspirado em Abaku foi gravado na música popular, como na canção 8220Los Sitio8217 Asere8221 (Saudação aos Sítios), que se refere a um bairro de Havana que abriga vários grupos Abaku. (Clique aqui: afrocubaweb / ivormiller / miller-language-2011.pdf) A linguagem cerimonial ioruba faz parte de cada aspecto de Lucumi, abrangendo o comportamento, a música e as crenças das pessoas. Os falantes de Lucumi afro-cubanos dizem gbe le yo, o que significa trazer alegria com você. Nada concretiza melhor os efeitos de longo alcance da linguagem cerimonial iorubá do que os rituais, como afirma Clifford Geertz: Em um ritual, o mundo como vivido e o mundo imaginado, fundido sob a ação de um único conjunto de formas simbólicas, acaba sendo o mesmo mundo, produzindo assim a transformação idiossincrática no sentido da realidade (Geertz 1973). Os cubanos expressam essa fusão de vida real e imaginária em rituais iorubás que incluem a linguagem cerimonial. O que se segue é uma breve apresentação de alguns aspectos da linguagem cerimonial em rituais, especificamente o uso de palavras, conceitos e música iorubás. Uma função do ritual iorubá é obter o favor de divindades, ancestrais, espíritos ou humanos. Como um conceito amplo de performance, o conceito Yoruba de ritual inclui festivais anuais (odun), ritos semanais (ose), funerais é (inku), adivinhações (idafa) e iniciações e instalações de todos os tipos - conhecidas por vários nomes iorubás de acordo com o contexto particular (Thompson-Drewal 1992, 19). Muitas dessas palavras ainda são usadas na prática religiosa afro-cubana hoje, embora seu significado seja alterado com frequência. Por exemplo, odun agora significa o enviado, ou mensageiros de Orula ose são sinônimos de graça. Pode também se referir ao machado de Shangos. Argumenta-se que esta palavra tem vários significados, devido à variedade de dialetos encontrados na língua iorubá. Praticantes afro-cubanos de Santera, praticantes da religião afro-latina, têm no canto uma ferramenta que lhes permite exigir certas ações e reações do mundo divino. Esses cantos, no entanto, também revelam algumas circunstâncias históricas dos praticantes cubanos, como o fato de que muitos não entendem a semântica palavra-a-palavra iorubá. Por exemplo, o seguinte canto tem um significado cerimonial para a maioria dos cubanos, mas agora traz diferentes interpretações semânticas. CHANT À ELEGGUA Queye Queye ye mmm: II (repete) Queye Queye mmm maddo Além disso, estima-se que de 1913 a 1927 40.000 negros por ano foram contrabandeados. Desde então e devido à crise econômica prolongada, poucos foram trazidos mesmo ilegalmente. As empresas que trouxeram pessoas negras durante o período da República, deveriam enviá-las de volta no final de seu contrato anual, mas isso foi evitado. Como El Pais escreveu: A imigração haitiana vem para a zafra, mas logo é desviada para as cidades e nunca volta para as plantações de seu próprio país, o resultado é que no ano seguinte é necessário introduzir outro contingente. O florescimento tardio da indústria açucareira cubana e a persistência do tráfico de escravos na década de 1860 são duas razões importantes para a notável densidade e variedade de elementos culturais africanos em Cuba. Fernando Ortiz Contou a presença de mais de cem diferentes grupos étnicos africanos no século XIX em Cuba e estimou que até o final daquele século catorze nações distintas preservaram sua identidade nas associações de ajuda mútua e clubes sociais conhecidos como cabildos, sociedades de liberdade e liberdade. negros escravizados da mesma nação africana, que mais tarde incluíram seus descendentes nascidos em Cuba. Logo após a emancipação em 1886, os cabildos foram obrigados a adotar o nome de um santo padroeiro católico, a se registrar com as autoridades da igreja local e, quando dissolvido, a transferir suas propriedades para a Igreja Católica. Paradoxalmente, foi dentro dos cabildos patrocinados pela igreja que as religiões e identidades afro-cubanas se fundiram. Mesmo depois que eles foram oficialmente dissolvidos no final do século 19, muitos foram mantidos em uma base informal, e eram conhecidos popularmente por seus antigos nomes africanos. Alguns sobrevivem até hoje. Os cabildos não só preservaram práticas africanas específicas, como também os seus membros, reuniram e ressintetizaram criativamente muitas tradições africanas regionais, como no caso dos iorubás, separados por migrações e guerras. Enquanto os cabildos formalmente organizados eram um fenômeno primordialmente urbano, as práticas africanas individuais e coletivas também continuaram a florescer nas propriedades açucareiras, conhecidas como ingenios ou centrais. Eram mais parecidos com pequenas cidades industriais autônomas do que com plantações. Cerca de 80 dos recém-chegados (africanos) conhecidos como bozales foram enviados a eles, e muitas centrais tornaram-se centros de nações africanas específicas. Forjados nos cabildos e em meio ao trabalho árduo nos engenhos de açúcar, quatro grandes divisões afro-cubanas (Lucum, Arar, Abaku, Kongo) estão representadas em Cuba. Cuba foi também o último território caribenho a abolir a escravidão, em 1886. É neste contexto que a contínua resistência escrava está intrinsecamente entrelaçada na luta pela independência cubana e mais tarde continuou a inspirar e contribuir para a revolução cubana. Como em todas as batalhas anteriores, os afro-cubanos também desempenharam um papel proeminente na Guerra da Independência (1895-8) liderada por José Martí, que finalmente pôs fim ao domínio colonial espanhol. Branco e preto, sem considerar a pigmentação, sofreram e lutaram lado a lado durante as guerras da independência. O general negro Maceo e o general negro Moncada, que eram ambos nobres, tinham mais do que leais oficiais brancos e nenhum homem era mais honrado do que o ex-escravo Juan Gualberto Gómez, um dos melhores patriotas e jornalistas mais brilhantes de Cuba. A guerra começou em Oriente escreveu Man de Ia Cruz, porque lá o negro é amado, não temido. E a assembléia de independência em Guaimaro votou a emancipação imediata. Os negros lutavam muito mais persistentemente pela independência nacional do que os brancos. Com a liberdade nacional, os brancos, embora gratos ao negro, estavam em uma condição econômica e intelectual superior e controlavam a maior parte da riqueza. Os negros, recentemente retirados da escravidão, menos educados, foram mantidos em posição subordinada. Embora o crioulo branco médio negue calorosamente qualquer preconceito de cor. Uma pequena conversa com o cubano branco logo revela a barreira real que existe. Em 1849, a Sociedade Econômica Cubana usou a frase: 150 negros produzem 400 toneladas de açúcar. E como Mrquez Sterling acrescenta quase um século depois, o escravo serviu como a máquina. Mais tarde, as máquinas libertaram os escravos, mas não libertaram os negros e a mais miserável escravidão que pesa sobre o espírito do país, dos quais tanto negros quanto brancos sofrem, se espalha pela terra, atapetados de cana-de-açúcar, ignorância, superstição e pobreza. . No entanto, enquanto a constituição de 1901 garantia a igualdade formal para todos os cubanos, aqueles que controlavam perseguiram uma política de branqueamento, pela qual 400.000 novos imigrantes espanhóis foram convidados a entrar em Cuba entre 1902 e 1919, tornando-a a mais espanhola dos países latino-americanos. Em 1959, a revolução cubana proibiu todas as formas de discriminação formal e racismo institucional. Suas amplas reformas econômicas e sociais beneficiaram claramente a maioria dos afro-cubanos que eram os mais baixos na escala social. O acesso à habitação, educação e serviços de saúde melhorou dramaticamente, assim como a representação dos negros entre uma gama mais ampla de profissões. As mulheres afro-cubanas têm sido particularmente beneficiadas pelas revoluções da legislação social progressista, ganhando oportunidades de emprego muito melhores. No entanto, por mais radical que seja o ataque ao racismo institucional, pouco foi conseguido na eliminação da discriminação racial. Tentativas de intelectuais para levantar a questão do racismo na Cuba revolucionária foram duramente tratadas na década de 1960, e o governo insistiu que havia eliminado a discriminação racial. Em várias ocasiões, Fidel Castro condenou explicitamente o racismo e afirmou o compromisso de seus governos com a igualdade. Contudo, os críticos da política oficial alegam que a política educacional e a cultura oficial permaneceram fortemente centradas no euro. Os afro-cubanos não foram, por exemplo, amplamente representados nos altos escalões do Partido Comunista, nem nos níveis superiores do serviço público ou das indústrias estatais. E, com poucas exceções, as mulheres afro-cubanas ainda não atingiram os estratos profissionais mais altos. Embora o estado cubano frequentemente represente a cultura afro-cubana para representar, por exemplo, espetáculos afro-cubanos para os turistas - há pouco discurso explícito em Cuba sobre o status político atual e futuro dos afro-cubanos como 82168216blacks.82178217 uma grande proporção da população de Cuba8217 parece ser de ascendência africana, ou 82168216com características, 82178217 Os brancos predominam em posições de poder político na Cuba Revolucionária (19598211presente), assim como na época republicana (1902821158). Afirmações políticas da identidade étnica têm sido vistas, por sucessivos governos cubanos, como um desafio à identidade nacional - que, em conversas oficiais, é afirmada como a mistura igualitária de espanhóis e africanos, que foram derramados juntos durante Cuba no século XIX. guerras pela independência. Dessa maneira, a ideologia nacionalista cubana segue um padrão latino-americano no qual os brancos desfrutam de privilégios sociais, econômicos e políticos, incluindo uma representação esmagadora nos meios de comunicação de massa, enquanto o racismo permanece mascarado pela defesa oficial da mestiçagem pelo estado (82168216mixture82178217). Já no pano de fundo do atual nervosismo do governo cubano sobre as afirmações políticas de 82168216Blackness82178217 está a lembrança de um evento violento que ocorreu menos de trinta anos depois da abolição da escravatura em Cuba, e apenas dez anos após a fundação da independente República de Cuba. Em 1912, o governo republicano de Cuba massacrou cerca de 3.000 partidários afro-cubanos do Partido Independiente de Cor, um partido político que defendia os direitos dos negros. Organizações políticas baseadas em raça foram proibidas, embora os clubes sociais com filiação racialmente afiliados não foram suprimidos até o início dos anos 1960. Atualmente, quando os cubanos discutem publicamente a população negra do país, isso geralmente se refere a 82308216history82178217 (escravidão e racismo da era republicana) ou 82168216culture82178217 (influências religiosas e musicais afro-cubanas sobre os costumes populares de Cuba8217) ao invés de abordar políticas específicas baseadas em raça. Dada a escassez de programas e organizações políticas explícitas baseadas em raças iniciadas e defendendo os negros cubanos, estudos etnográficos recentes concentraram-se na política cultural oficial revolucionária de Cuba em relação aos afro-cubanos (Brown 2003a, b Hagedorn 2001). Artistas afro-cubanos se divertem no Callejon de Hamel em Havana. Em geral, no entanto, a população negra cubana apoiou fortemente as políticas revolucionárias de que os afro-cubanos se beneficiaram de maneira desproporcional em termos de melhorias no acesso à educação e ao emprego e nos índices de saúde. Em meados da década de 1970, muitos cubanos, especialmente os negros, notaram a explicação de Castro 8217 para a participação de militares cubanos, militares e educacionais no esforço socialista angolano de repelir os rebeldes da UNITA apoiados pelos EUA e pela África do Sul: Castro declarou que Cuba era uma 82168216Afro-Latin82178217 nação. Esse reconhecimento da África como ancestral anti-colonialista e ancestral genealógica de Cuba8217 interrompeu a tendência persistente de branqueamento (blanqueamiento) na sociedade cubana. O reconhecimento político de Cuba8217 da África no exterior influenciou cada vez mais a política cultural e os currículos educacionais cubanos em casa, reforçando o reconhecimento das contribuições afro-cubanas à história e à cultura nacional. O setor de turismo em expansão de Cuba8217, que opera em moeda forte, exacerba ainda mais a mistura tóxica de raça e economia. Mesmo que a música afro-cubana e as práticas religiosas populares sejam cada vez mais mobilizadas para representar a renda do turismo, os afro-cubanos frequentemente se vêem marginalizados do setor de turismo. Considera-se que os cubanos brancos residentes têm a necessária 82168216 boa apresentação82178217 para assegurar emprego nos balneários e hotéis dos quais, até recentemente, os afro-cubanos e mulatos foram excluídos. Os cubanos negros - mesmo aqueles que endireitaram os cabelos e se esforçaram para exemplificar o que os cubanos chamam de boa cultura - reclamam que são rotineiramente rejeitados por empregos turísticos - pelo menos os da variedade formal. Os empreiteiros independentes predominantemente negros e mestiços correm o risco de serem presos diariamente enquanto trabalham na economia informal (revenda de produtos roubados, profissionais do sexo, guias turísticos não oficiais, táxis sem licença) que atendem ao setor de turismo. Em suma, 82168216tradições82178217 têm capital simbólico para representar 82168216Cuba, 82178217 particularmente seu passado, os negros contemporâneos são identificados com os prazeres e vícios reputados de Cuba8217, enquanto os brancos operam os empreendimentos regulados e lucrativos que promovem o futuro econômico . Movimento Afrocubanismo nas décadas de 1920 e 1930 Durante as décadas de 1920 e 1930 Cuba experimentou um movimento voltado para a cultura afro-cubana chamada Afrocubanismo. O movimento teve um grande impacto na literatura cubana, poesia, pintura, música e escultura. Foi a primeira campanha artística em Cuba que se concentrou em um tema particular: a cultura negra. Especificamente, destacou a luta pela independência da Espanha, a escravidão negra e a construção de uma identidade nacional puramente cubana. Seu objetivo era incorporar o folclore e o ritmo africanos nos modos tradicionais de arte. Afro-cubanos em houston, Texas História do Movimento O movimento evoluiu de um interesse na redescoberta da herança africana. Ele se desenvolveu em dois estágios muito diferentes. A primeira etapa resultou de artistas e intelectuais europeus interessados ​​em arte folclórica africana e formas folclóricas musicais. Esta etapa era paralela ao Renascimento do Harlem em Nova York, a Ngritude no Caribe francês, e coincidia com a estilística Vanguarda Européia (como o cubismo e sua representação de máscaras africanas). Caracterizou-se pela participação de intelectuais brancos como os cubanos Alejo Carpentier, Fortunato Vizcarrondo e Lydia Cabrera, o porto-riquenho Luis Pals Matos e os espanhóis Pablo Picasso e Roger de Lauria. A arte de inspiração africana tendia a representar os afro-cubanos com imagens clichê como um negro sentado debaixo de uma palmeira com um charuto. Poemas e ensaios de escritores negros começaram a ser publicados nos anos 30 em jornais, revistas e livros onde eles discutiam sua própria herança pessoal. Artistas afro-cubanos começaram a perceber que o movimento trouxe luz para a raça e a cultura negra antes marginalizadas. Tornou-se um símbolo de fortalecimento e individualidade para os afro-cubanos dentro da cultura ocidental estabelecida das Américas e da Europa. Esse empoderamento se tornou um catalisador para a segunda etapa ser caracterizada por artistas afro-cubanos fazendo arte que refletia verdadeiramente o que significava ser afro-cubana. Começando na década de 1930, essa etapa mostrava uma visão mais séria da cultura negra, como as religiões africanas e as lutas associadas à escravidão. O protagonista principal durante esta fase do movimento foi Nicols Guilln. Resultados do Movimento A duradoura reputação do movimento Afrocubanismo foi o estabelecimento de uma forma de arte do Novo Mundo que usava a estética da cultura européia e africana.6 Embora o atual movimento do Afrocubanismo tenha desaparecido no início dos anos 40, a cultura afro-cubana continua a desempenhar um papel vital na identidade de Cuba. Foi a Revolução Cubana que abriu um espaço para pesquisas ampliadas de raízes étnicas africanas em Cuba. A retórica da Revolução incorpora a história negra e sua contribuição como um importante estrato da identidade cubana. A Revolução financiou muitos projetos que restauram o trabalho dos afro-cubanos em um esforço para acomodar uma identidade africana dentro da nova sociedade anti-racista cubana. A partir do século XVI, na esteira dos primeiros conquistadores espanhóis até a última parte do no século XIX, os afro-cubanos - eram de numerosos grupos étnicos, os povos iorubá da África Ocidental, conhecidos em Cuba como o Lucum (derivado, segundo a maioria dos pesquisadores, da palavra Ulkumi, um antigo reino ioruba), predominavam em um certo período em que esses processos sincréticos estavam sendo gestados. Duas mulheres cubanas estão sendo limpas por Santeros, sacerdotes da religião afro-cubana Santeria (Yoruba). Além disso, desta parte da África (Nigéria) veio o Ibo, o Efik de Calabar (conhecido em Cuba como o Carabal), o Fon, e Ewe (ou Dahomean) conhecido como Arraras e numerosos outros povos. Destacados, devido a seu grande número e sua presença poderosa, estavam representantes dos grupos étnicos do Congo: Loango, Mondongo e outros (Bantus) que vieram da África Central. Os sacerdotes Santeria cubanos, também conhecidos como babalaos, se reúnem para a cerimônia de iniciação da Mão de Orula para Rafale Lazaro del Pino. Por volta de 1870, escravos contrabandeados continuavam a fluir para Cuba mesmo depois que o tráfico de escravos havia parado oficialmente. É por isso que no primeiro terço do século XX ainda se encontravam alguns antigos necos de nacin 8221 (escravos africanos) que se lembravam bem das tradições e costumes de sua terra natal e eram capazes de transmiti-los a seus descendentes. Este fato estimulou grandemente a continuidade dos sistemas religiosos, bem como a nossa compreensão deles hoje. Elliott Rivera é babalwo da santeria afro-cubana. Ele é um meio de transe e trabalha muito com seus ancestrais. Ele lhe dá a chance de sentir e ouvir a sabedoria vinda de seus próprios ancestrais. A seguir estão as religiões africanas trazidas pelos escravos africanos para Cuba e ainda é praticada por afro-cubanos: Lucum / Regla de Ocha / Regla de If O antigo sistema religioso do povo Yoruba da Nigéria Ocidental conhecido em Cuba como Regla de Ocha (por sua Regra fundamental de Ocha) é caracterizada por uma mitologia bem desenvolvida e estruturada e uma rica liturgia que se fundiu com várias práticas e crenças populares católicas espanholas em um processo de fusão ou sincretismo. As antigas divindades iorubas (orichas) foram identificadas em seus vários atributos e manifestações (caminos) com diversos santos católicos e várias defesas da Virgem Maria, como Nuestra Seora de la Caridad, Nuestra Seora de las Mercedes, e outros. Assim surgiu o sistema religioso que passou por um processo de sincretização, produzindo uma reconciliação popular e espontânea de diferentes crenças religiosas que foram mescladas, consciente ou inconscientemente, ou que em muitos casos sobreviveram em justaposição, no que alguns autores se referem como paralelismo. Lydia Cabrera and other scholars theorize that the slaves fashioned their religion to a certain extent, as a deceptive tool to escape retaliation for practicing forbidden 8220heathen8221 rites, as enforced by white masters or Spanish Catholic authorities. They also attribute development of the syncretism to a logical consequence of the African cosmovision, coupled with the slaves8217 subconscious psychological need to see their gods survive in a strange environment. Most serious Lucum religion scholars agree that prayer formulas in the Spanish language, the names of groups (cofradas) and saints8217 day festivals, and the so-called velorios de santos or popular rituals like bembs, where the non-initiated can participate, represent mostly external, superimposed Catholic elements and not integral, internal elements. Congo/Bant: Palo Monte/ Mayombe One of the variant forms of the Reglas de Congo, Palo Monte, or Palo Mayombe is the most common of the religious cults derived from the Bant (Congo) of Central Africa, who occupied a vast territory from the southern part of Cameroon through northern Angola to Mozambique and also extended to what is now Congo-Brazzaville. It encompasses various Congo religious systems: Regla Conga, Biyumba, Musunde, Quirimbaya, and Vrillumba. There was also a later variant which admitted whites -- Regla Kimbisa del Santo Cristo del Buen Viaje, established by Andrs Facundo Cristo de los Dolores Petit. This Rule, while expanding its membership and furthering Catholic influences in many of the rituals, as well as also expanding the cult to Yoruba orichas, was viewed as betraying Congo secrets to the ruling whites. The emphasis of the Bant/Congo religious practices lies in the magical or sorcery aspects of African beliefs, in tandem with healing practices. The name 8220Palo8221 denotes the sticks and branches from the forest (el monte) utilized in the elaboration of a sacred object (nganga) used for spells. Often maligned, practitioners of Palo (paleros) are accused of practicing black magic or witchcraft, with rites utilizing corpses and dangerous herbs and spells for evil purposes. Palo involves a specialized cult of the dead with emphasis on magic practices such as pacts with the dead, typically made in a graveyard along with the creation of a nganga. This nganga is placed in a special iron cauldron filled with ritual objects of nature (bones and sticks) and imbued with magical powers. All of these practices and attributes of sorcery with the dead (trabajos con muertos) involve the idea of evil witchcraft and make Palo experts or leaders very much feared and regarded as dangerous. In Miami, as in Cuba, they have made the headlines by stealing corpses for use in their ngangas. The Africans themselves were implicated by this negative image as they capitalized, to their advantage, on the fear of their sorcery by the whites in power. All these magic rites have earned Palo the epithet of 8220the dark side of Santera,8221 the term encompassing in this instance not only the Regla de Ocha but also the Congo-based cults. The various forms of Palo Monte practices feature deities taken both from the syncretism of Catholic saints and the Yoruba orichas. Afro-Cuban Religion: Santeria Temple (Cabildo de los Congos Reales de San Antonio) The Congo presence in Cuba was documented in colonial times in the eighteenth century, with Alejo Carpentier reporting the existence of a 8220Cabildo de Congos8221 in 1796. Bant/Congo peoples continued reaching Cuba8217s shores well into the last part of the nineteenth century and are second in importance only to the Yoruba, according to some sources. In contrast with the Reglas Lucum, the Reglas Congas survived most strongly in the eastern section of Cuba, around Santiago de Cuba and Guantnamo. Congo influence, rites, and figures have since spread throughout the island, particularly in the ritual drawings of a cosmogram (traza or nganga-marking), which is traced while chanting sacred songs or mambos. In Havana and its environs, Congo and Yoruba beliefs coalesced to beget a cult to Zarabanda -- the Congo counterpart of Ogn, the powerful god of metals -- another instance of syncretic processes among diverse African ethnic practices. Another example of syncretism is the fact that, although African dialects are used in their rituals, paleros also add some Arabic words to their chants and greet each other with the 8220Salaam alaikum8221 used in Islamic nations. For a complete examination of Congo religious practices, cosmology and structure, beliefs in death and the ancestor spirits, with interesting references to Cuban practice, see the documented monograph by Wyatt MacGaffey (1986), Religions and Society in Central Africa: The BaKongo of Lower Zaire, or the informative study by Simon Bockie, (1993) entitled Death and the Invisible Powers 8220the World of Kongo Belief,8221 which has an extensive and up-to-date analysis of Congo ancestor worship. Arriving on Cuba8217s shores in large numbers, the Ekoi peoples of the Calabar Coast of Africa made a lasting impact on the customs, folklore, popular language, and traditions of the island. This contribution is most evident in the creation and existence of the Cuban Abaku (or Abakwa) Secret Society, whose members are also known as igos, and appears to be a direct legacy of the ancient Egbo society of the Ekoi and Efik ethnic groups of this particular coast in West Africa. Similar types of associations are very typical of this part of Africa where secret and mutual assistance brotherhoods are abundant and constitute a significant part of the ethnic tradition. The most powerful of these brotherhoods, the Egbo society, was transplanted to Cuba by these groups known in Cuba as Carabal, because they originated in the Calabar region of the African continent. Furthermore, the Ekoi claim to have started the whole concept of these societies, which were prevalent into the early twentieth century and still exist in Cuba. To illustrate the extent to which the Carabal customs prevailed in Cuba, according to well-known anthropologists, the initiation ceremonies for the seven grades through which the aspirant must pass before admission to deeper teachings or revelations of any except the lesser mysteries were carried out almost verbatim in nineteenth-century Cuba. Moreover, Cuban popular argot is interspersed with Abaku-derived words, which have been carried over from ritual to common usage, even to the common slang term for woman, jeba, and epithets like chvere, which originally meant a brave, macho man and is now widely used to mean 8220swell8221 or 8220cool.8221 In Africa, this strictly male association allowed only men to be admitted into the brotherhood, except for an occasional affluent or powerful woman who was allowed to become an honorary member of all grades but never achieved full membership or knowledge of the mysteries (Courlander, 1996: 570-575). However, in Cuba, restrictions for women were even stricter. No women were ever allowed to become members. The ancient Ekoi societies also bore resemblance to the Spanish civil associations (cabildos) prevalent in Seville and other parts of Andaluca, a fact that facilitated their transport and subsequent syncretism and transculturation. Thus, the stage was set for a merging of the two traditional institutions. In Cuba, the Abaku society was a cabildo whose membership cut through various cults or ethnic groups. A practitioner of Santera could also be an Abaku brother (ecobio) because membership, besides conferring a certain prestige, also offered an opportunity for mutual assistance. Membership required a period of testing, instruction, initiation, and a complex set of obligations, duties, and responsibilities within a rigid formal structure. Rites included singing, dances, blood and other kinds of offerings, ablutions, processions, use of African languages, and drum playing. Prevalent in Havana, nearby Regla, Guanabacoa, and in the port of Matanzas and the city of Crdenas in that same province, members of the Abaku societies took prominent parts in the Havana carnival dances where they danced in folk dance groups (comparsas). Their secret symbols (anaforuanas) have been amply documented by Lydia Cabrera and their musical instruments by Fernando Ortiz. The term Abaku originates from the region of Akwa, where a similar antecedent society, that of 8220Leopard-men8221 of the Efik/ Efor, flourished in West Africa and wielded considerable power up to the early twentieth century. Remarkably, as the traditions were handed down in Cuba, they retained their vitality and dynamism, due in part to the constant influx of new slaves from the Akwa region. The slave trade dragged on in Cuba into the latter part of the nineteenth century, with the last contingents smuggled in around 1870. The Calabar were one of the last ethnic groups to be transported to the island, and their first society in Cuba was founded in 1836. For all the above reasons, the Igb vocabulary has been surprisingly preserved, as have the rites and costumes of ceremony participants. Even the music, singing, and drumming is recognizable as an inheritance from the Efik and Ekoi peoples. It is a complex, hierarchical society with clearly defined functions, bound together by strict initiation oaths authority resides in the king (iyamba, jefe). Surprisingly, the numerous officers in the ceremonies in Cuba have preserved the same titles as in Africa, up to and including the priestly morwa, who evokes, controls, and guides the visiting spirits, although rites exhibit some elements of syncretism with Catholic practices. Other Afro-Cuban Religions: Arar and Haitian-Derived Voudun To a lesser extent, Afro-Cuban religious complexes have also undergone the influence of other ethnic groups. From the Dahomey region of Africa, Haitians transplanted Voudun (or Voodoo, meaning spirit, deity, or image) their syncretic, highly complex religious system. It encompasses diverse cults in which Dahomean deities and traditions predominate. These Dahomean, Fon-speaking ethnic groups were transplanted to Cuba in the years between 1770 and 1820 among the slaves of the French plantation owners who fled there due to the revolution in St. Domingue, Hispaniola. Vodun religious influence was reinforced in the twentieth century when many Haitians migrated to Cuba as sugarcane laborers. By this time, there had also been slave imports from the Dahomey/Ewe/Fon ethnic groups who had created their own distinct form of Reglas Arars. The religious system that ensued was simpler and did not include a conglomerate of as many religious cults as Haitian Voudun, but it was sufficiently similar so that the incoming Haitians could identify with it. In Cuba, some Arars and Lucums (Yoruba) came to regard each other as colleagues, and many spoke both languages, Fon and Lucum (MacGaffey and Barnett, 1962: 206). Arar religious cults, who traced their origins to the Ewe-Fon of Dahomey, featured an elaborate pantheon of gods known as luases (like the Voudun loas, meaning mysteries), many of whom were borrowed from or merged with the Yoruba deities. In veritable African syncretic fashion, Arar religious practice also shows traces of Congo influences. Though now rarely practiced in their original form, the Arar thrived in Matanzas, where there were many African enclaves that survived until recently, and in Santiago de Cuba, where Haitian influence was strong. Reminiscences of their Ewe/Fon origins are still found in the instrumental ensembles of the music derived from the Arar tradition. Voudun, on the other hand, was prevalent first in the mountainous, rural areas, but it has now spread to the suburbs of cities such as Camagey and Santiago. These Dahomean religious beliefs preserved in the Arar rites were named from a cognate of the Haitian Dahomean 8220Rada,8221 derived from the town of Allada in Dahomey. Grupo AfroCubano de Matanzas. The music of Cuba, including its instruments, performance and dance, comprises a large set of unique traditions influenced mostly by West African and European (especially Spanish) music Due to the syncretic nature of most of its genres, Cuban music is often considered one of the richest and most influential regional musics of the world. For instance, the son cubano merges an adapted Spanish guitar (tres), melody, harmony, and lyrical traditions with Afro-Cuban percussion and rhythms. Almost nothing remains of the original native traditions, since the native population was exterminated in the 16th century. kati hernandez afro cuban dance Since the 19th century Cuban music has been hugely popular and influential throughout the world. It has been perhaps the most popular form of regional music since the introduction of recording technology. Cuban music has contributed to the development of a wide variety of genre and musical styles around the globe, most notably in Latin America, the Caribbean, West Africa and Europe. Examples include rhumba, Afro-Cuban jazz, salsa, soukous, a wide variety of West African re-adaptations of Afro-Cuban music (Orchestra Baobab, Africando), Spanish fusion genres (notably with flamenco), and a wide variety of genres in Latin America. The Rumberos de Cuba music and dance ensemble Fernando Ortiz, the first great Cuban folklorist, described Cubas musical innovations as arising from the interplay (transculturation) between African slaves settled on large sugar plantations and Spaniards from different regions such as Andalusia and Canary Islands. The African slaves and their descendants made many percussion instruments and preserved rhythms they had known in their homeland. The most important instruments were the drums, of which there were originally about fifty different types today only the bongos, congas and bat drums are regularly seen (the timbales are descended from kettle drums in Spanish military bands). Also important are the claves, two short hardwood batons, and the cajn, a wooden box, originally made from crates. Claves are still used often, and cajons (cajones) were used widely during periods when the drum was banned. In addition, there are other percussion instruments in use for African-origin religious ceremonies. Chinese immigrants contributed the corneta china (Chinese cornet), a Chinese reed instrument still played in the comparsas, or carnival groups, of Santiago de Cuba. Cuban music has been immensely influential in other countries. It contributed not only to the development of jazz and salsa, but also to the Argentine tango, Ghanaian high-life, West African Afrobeat, Dominican Bachata and Merengue, Colombian Cumbia and Spanish Nuevo flamenco and to the Arabo-Cuban music developed by Michel Elefteriades in the 1990s. Omar Sosa and the Afro Cuban Quartet The African beliefs and practices certainly influenced Cubas music. Polyrhythmic percussion is an inherent part of African music, as melody is part of European music. Also, in African tradition, percussion is always joined to song and dance, and to a particular social setting. The result of the meeting of European and African cultures is that most Cuban popular music is creolized. This creolization of Cuban life has been happening for a long time, and by the 20th century, elements of African belief, music and dance were well integrated into popular and folk forms. The clave rhythmic pattern is used as a tool for temporal organization in Afro-Cuban music, such as rumba, conga de comparsa, son, mambo (music), salsa, Latin jazz, songo and timba. The five-stroke clave pattern represents the structural core of many Afro-Cuban rhythms. Just as a keystone holds an arch in place, the clave pattern holds the rhythm together in Afro-Cuban music. The clave pattern originated in sub-Saharan African music traditions, where it serves essentially the same function as it does in Cuba. The pattern is also found in the African diaspora musics of Haitian vodou drumming and Afro-Brazilian music. The clave pattern is used in North American popular music as a rhythmic motif or ostinato, or simply a form of rhythmic decoration. Rumba is a music of Cuban origin, but entirely African in style, using only voice, percussion and dance. It is a secular musical style from the docks and the less prosperous areas of Havana and Matanzas. Rumba musicians use a trio of drums, similar in appearance to conga drums (they are called tumba, llamador and quinto) or, alternatively, wooden boxes (cajones) may be used. Lazaro Galarraga and Lorenzo Penalver perform traditional rumba drumming, which has roots in the slave quarters of 19th century Havana, Cuba, while Kati Hernandez performs an accompanying dance Also used are claves and, sometimes, spoons. There is always a vocal element, African in style, but sung in Spanish: call and response vocals. There were three basic rumba forms in the last century: columbia, guaguanc and yamb. The Columbia, played in 6/8 time, was danced only by men, often as a solo dance, and was swift, with aggressive and acrobatic moves. The guaganc was danced with one man and one woman. The dance simulates the mans pursuit of the woman. The yamb, now a relic, featured a burlesque of an old man walking with a stick. All forms of rumba are accompanied by song or chants. Rumba as a cover-all term for faster Cuban music. This usage started in the early 1930s with The Peanut Vendor. In this sense it has been replaced by salsa, which is also a cover-all term for marketing the music to non-Cubans. Rumba in the international Latin-American dance syllabus is a misnomer for the slow Cuban rhythm more accurately called the bolero-son. Rumba is usually seen in Cuba in the performances of professional groups on set occasions. There are also amateur groups based on casas de cultura, and on work groups. Like all aspects of life in Cuba, dance and music are organised by the state through Ministries and their various committees. In Cuba, the word comparsa refers to the neighbourhood groups that take part in carnival. Conga is of African origin, and derives from street celebrations of the African spirits. The distinction is blurred today, but in the past the congas have been prohibited from time to time. Carnival as a whole was banned by the revolutionary government for many years, and still does not take place with the regularity of old. Conga drums are played (along with other typical instruments) in comparsas of all kinds. Santiago de Cuba and Havana were the two main centers for street carnivals. Two types of dance music (at least) owe their origin to comparsa music: Conga: an adaptation of comparsa music and dance for social dances. Eliseo Grenet may be the person who first created this music, but it was the Lecuona Cuban Boys who took it round the world. The conga became, and perhaps still is, the best-known Cuban music and dance style for non-latins. Mozambique: a comparsa-type dance music developed by Pello el Afrokan (Pedro Izquierdo) in 1963. It had a brief period of high popularity, peaked in 1965, and was soon forgotten. Apparently, to make it work properly, it needed 16 drums plus other percussion, dancers. Immigrants from Haiti have settled in Oriente and established their own style of music, called the tumba francesa, which uses its own type of drum, dance and song. It embodies one of the oldest and most tangible links to the Afro-Haitian heritage of Cuba8217s Oriente province and developed from an eighteenth - century fusion of music from Dahomey in West Africa and traditional French dances. This survives to the present day in Santiago de Cuba and Haiti. www6.miami. edu/iccas/AFRO2.pdf Afro-Cuban Creole Choir of Cuba. The descendants of Haitian immigrants that settled in Cuba until the late fifties, The Creole Choir of Cuba is a ten-piece ensemble of voices and percussion who sing the music of their ancestors in a highly personal manner. Singing in Creole (Haiti8217s second language), their lyrics speak about their history and heritage. Some songs were written centuries ago, while others, like 8220Tande,8221 were composed to talk about the cruel years of the Duvalier regime. Their rhythms are very Cuban, though. Upon hearing them at first, you feel that you are listening to a very roots-based sound of Afro-Cuban music. But when the lyrics begin, you notice that it is not Spanish. The music is often syncopated, with different layers performed by the women and men in the group, and the melodies are followed by dance moves that might include audience members who are pulled in by the group as they walk around the audience. (Ernest Barteldes) Arar and Afro-Cuban Music: The Heartbeat of Black Atlantic History Professor Emeritus, CCNY-CUNY Founding Director, Museum of Art and Origins Music 8211 like its sister performance arts dance and theatre 8211 is experienced as an art of the moment. We experience the songs we listen to in a series of moments as fleeting and metered as our pulse, our heartbeat. The songs we listen to, no matter what style of music, are composed of the formal elements of music: rhythm, harmony, melody, and counterpoint. When we listen to Afro-Cuban music, does it ever occur to us that the formal terminology that we use to describe the structure and composition of Western music is applicable to Afro-Cuban music And that there is a history of form to this music When listening to this music, as we feel its pulse, do we at least sense the historical trajectory of this music To begin with, this is a music that was banned 8211 yes, prohibited by law. And at various times, government attempted to control or marginalize this music. The use of bat, for example, was censored on radio in Cuba. The music of the cabildos, Arar, was banned from the airwaves, and then later given proscribed exposure and marginalization. Doesn8217t this sound like the history of Black American music Yet, from the very beginning, Cuban classical, folkloric and popular music freely mined the ores and bedrock of Afro-Cuban music and processed them into 8220acceptability,8221 just as Elvis Pressley 8220homogenized8221 or 8220pasteurized8221 the music of the 8220down home blues8221 of the American Blacks. This is the same as selling refined white sugar to the countries that grow sugar cane or aluminum products to countries that mine bauxite. This music arrived in Cuba with the first importation of slaves in the 16th century. The slaves who were abducted to Cuba came mainly from what was called the 8220Slave Coast.8221 It was the habit of the Europeans to name the parts of Africa they visited by the commodities they took from that region. Grain (from dry rice farming that was imported to the U. S. Carolinas) came mostly from the Grain Coast: Guinea, Sierra Leone and Liberia. Large quantities of Ivory gave the Ivory Coast its name. Ghana, called El Mina by the Portuguese, was known as the Gold Coast. Cameroon was so named because of the rich beds of shrimp at the place called Rio Cameroes. Togo, Dahomey (now Benin), Nigeria, Rio Muni, Gabon, Congo and Angola were called the Slave Coast. Of course, it is important to note that large quantities of slaves arrived from all of these regions regardless of the nomenclature. This mix of ethnicities found its way to Cuba as it did to all of the other slave-labor economies that contributed to the wealth of the Americas. In the midst of oppression and cultural repression, the slaves managed to create enclaves of cultural continuity. These were religious/social organizations called cabildos or confraidos. One of the earliest of these of historical record is Arar Migano formed by the Migano clan of Dahomey. Arar is most likely of 18th century origin. But like most of the African fraternities it did not have an uninterrupted continuity. But by the 18808217s Arar Migano and other cabildos were revived under new laws that attempted to proscribe their activities. In 1890, Migano was revived, suppressed for two years, only to reemerge. Although the cabildos originally attempted to confine membership strictly on a tribal basis, the checkered and fractious history of Cuba contributed to the interaction of various tribes and clans and 8211 of course 8211 Catholicism. Under these conditions, Kongo, Yoruba and other elements began to emerge within what was once an exclusive cabildo or confraido. As a result some cabildos are named variously after ethnic groups, clans, Catholic saints, African deities and even the names of drums, ceremonies or African port of embarkation to the New World: Cabildo del Rey, Lukumi, Santeria, Pataki, Nanigo to name but a few. Nonetheless, we can easily identify the Arar (old Dahomey) Vodun deities with Nago/Yoruba (southwest Nigeria) counterparts: Afra is Elegba (Elegua) Ogun Baleio is Ogun and Akeito is Ochosi. By the 1920s, this music, that had been forbidden, marginalized and banned from radio, began to make inroads into popular culture. So-called 8220polite8221 Cuban music began to mine the music of the cabildos in the same fashion that Bartok, Chopin, Dvorak, Mozart and other composers of classical music had mined the folk traditions of Europe. One of the outstanding examples of this is the advent of the son from Oriente. Afro-Cuban All Stars Arar had its stronghold in the Matanzas province, but with the advent of the son, key innovators in a new Cuban music (such as the great Arsenio Rodriguez) were free to mix these traditions. Meanwhile, the close fraternity of jazz, Cuban and Negro (as they were called in those days) musicians from the United States began playing together and creating new sounds. Latin Jazz, Charanga, Pachanga, Salsa, and Boogaloo 8211 these all have their roots in the cabildos. Albert Murray says that the difference between Black American sacred and secular music is the lyrics. Did this happen in Cuba When you listen to Arar, perhaps you will begin to isolate certain forms and connect them to the history of Black Atlantic music. If you are interested in pursuing this idea, I suggest you take a look at George Brandon, Santeria from Africa to the New World George Eaton Simpson, Black Religions in the New World and Philip Sweeney8217s Rough Guide to Cuban Music. Arar is a significant contribution to Black Atlantic culture and the world. But like so many contributions to world arts, it may face extinction and exist only in the forms that it influenced. What irony Whether you speak Dutch, English, French, Portuguese or Spanish, you are speaking in the tongue of your colonizing Father. But your Mother spoke African. It is only an accident that you were born into one of these European languages and not another: what if the caravel had arrived a day earlier at El Mina or was delayed by the overland shipment coming to Kisama Your ancestors would have landed at a different port in the New World. (18) Yo so piera ese Cabrera 1979108). I have already mentioned that there exist two definite articles in bozal (lo, la) which are used in both singular and plural contexts. La occurs with nouns that would be feminine in Spanish in 68.9 percent of the sample, and with masculine nouns in 31.1 percent. La appears twice as frequently as lo, and the latter occurs with masculine nouns in 90 percent of all cases. It is possible that la is an older form, and lo arises as an incipient way of marking gender. This is also suggested by the fact that only la is found in the oldest samples of bozal at my disposal, some eighteenth century popular songs gathered by Lezama (1965 (19) Su messe, la cabayero. Your honor, the gentleman. (20) Ni biene con la Ifa. He comes with the problem. The indefinite article occurs with masculine and feminine nouns in equal proportion. (21) Un guja (Cabrera 197982) (22) Uno gueno regalito (Crespo y Borb6n 1847:64) (23) Uno visita (Gelabert 1881:119) The article una appeared in just four samples, and in three of those it occurs with feminine nouns. The almost exclusive demonstrative determiner is ese, which modifies both masculine and feminine nouns and may precede or follow the noun: (24) Ese Mayora (Cabrera 1979:42) (25) Pollo ese no viene (Cabrera 1976:65). That chicken does not come. It is my hypothesis that determiners were originally invariable with respect to gender in Afro-Cuban bozal. In a subsequent stage, an initial distinction between lo and la emerged, followed by a very incipient differentiation between un, uno, and una. Gender agreement between nouns and determiners appears to be more advanced than that of nouns and other noun phrase modifiers, such as adjectives. D. Pronominal System Personal pronouns-the only ones to be studied here--are extremely variable in Afro-Cuban bozal, as is shown in the following chart: (26)1st person singular You Nina, yo va lo Nfinda. Girl, I go into the forest. (27)1st person plural Nosotro Nosotro ta mira chino. We were looking at the Chinaman. (28)2nd person singular Tu Tu saca muje ese. You took that woman out. (29) Ute Ute ve cosa como ese. You see a thing like that. (30) 3rd person singular Ne Ne muri jaya tiempo. He died a long time ago. (31) E E mimo dici tu ta ole. He said that you are stealing. (32) Singular and plural Nelle Nelle tiene un bariga. She has a belly. (33) Neye Toito neye ta carga. (43) 3rd person singular Nelle Varon quita nelle. Men take away from them. (44) Neye Moso ta mirando neye. The young men are looking at them. I have found no examples of plural object pronouns for the first and second persons. In the case of the third person, only nellel-neye may be singular or plural. A frequent-though far from categorical feature of Afro-Cuban bozal is the lack of differentiation of subject and object pronouns, particularly in the first and third person singular and the third person plural, as shown in examples 26, 30, 31, 32, 33, 34, 40, 41, 43, and 44. This alternates with differentiated forms as in examples 38, 39, 42. I have not been able to determine which factors promote each of the third person singular variants (nelle, ne, and 4). Otheguy (1973:330) suggests that ne occurs only as a subject pronoun and e as an object pronoun. However, in the corpus, I find several instances--as in example 40-in which nt is used as a complement. In one of the oldest samples (allegedly from the eighteenth century), ne is also used as a copy of the subject (Lezama 1965176, emphasis mine): (45) Mira sojo dese nima candela d parese iQue nima son ese que ne parese maja Look at the eyes of that animal fire they look like What animal is that which it look. like a snake One of Lydia Cabreras informants (1970:259, emphasis mine) employs ne in identical manner: (46) Divino entonce ne mata mue. The diviner, then he kills the woman. And a similar function is fulfilled by lo in La Boda de Pancha Jutia and Canuto Raspadura (Crespo 1847:9-10, emphasis mine): (47) Branco que vivi la Bana lo come mu puquitica. The whites who live in Havana, they ate very little. (48) Cumpare, poque cunvite lo debe se a la campana Compadre, because the feast it must be held when the bell rings. The insertion of a pronoun as a copy of the subject is a feature that is frequently found in creoles. E. Possessives and Parataxis I have already shown that the determiner ese may either precede (as in example 24) or follow the noun (as in example 25) and that in the latter case no article is found in the first position of the noun phrase. The same is true of possessive determiners, although the forms that precede and follow the noun are differentiated: (49) Cuando sueta ute va come mi casa (Cabrera 197958). When they let you go, come to my house to eat. (17) Tu ve bariga mio. You see my belly. Also, as is the case in other creole languages, possessive noun phrases are frequently paratactic, i. e. they lack conjoining elements, such as prepositions: (50) Garabata, gaina guine (Cabrera N. d.:Record No. 7, side 2). Turn around, Guinea hen. (51) Ni boton camisa aparecio de chino (Cabrera 197958). Not even the button of his shirt was left of the chinaman. Nevertheless, on occasions, possession is signaled by a prepositional phrase. (52) Ori de gente (Cabrera 1971:77) I tried in vain to determine throughout the corpus the factors that promote one or the other construction. Variation was simply too inconsistent. I decided, then, to concentrate on the speech of three of Lydia Cabreras informants, two of whom-Francisquilla Ibafiez and TA M6nico Biabangfi-are very often explicitly identified in Cabreras works. In doing so, I discovered a marked tendency to employ prepositional phrases if one of the nouns is human: (53) Barriga de Mabona (Cabrera 1979174) (54) Ereniyo de mue (Cabrera 1970:68) The womans eyes The preference for parataxis in Afro-Cuban bozal is not restricted to possessive noun phrases, but is commonly found in other constructions as well. For instance the preposition a appeared in just seventeen of seventy-seven possible contexts (22 percent): (55) Ekoi viene buca pa lleva mundo la verda (Cabrera 1970:259). The Ekoi come to find it to take truth to the world. The same is true of the preposition en, which is absent in 54.2 percent of all cases, as in examples 47 and 12. F. Verbal System Bozal has two copulative verbs: sonsometimes reduced to sowhich occurs with predicate nouns as in (56) Ese son ereniyo de mu6 que mata, son Sikan y pesca (Cabrera 1970:68). Those are the eyes of the woman who was killed, it is both Sikan and a fish. It also occurs with predicate adjectives that indicate a permanent state or condition: (57) Alla gaina son grandisimo como vaca (Cabrera 1979:18). Hens are big like cows there. (58) Nelle son bunco (Crespo y BorMn 1847:64). He/she is an ass they are asses. The second copula-ta-is used with predicate adjectives that indicate a transitory state. 59) Yo ta namora (FernAndez 1868a:143). It also selves as a locative verb: (60) Aqui ta yo (Moha Delgado 1901:37). Copulative verbs are invariable with respect to person and number, although I have found a few instances of a form e, an obvious reduction of Standard Spanish es, like in example 2. I also found a variable absence of copula in 12 percent of all cases, particularly in those which signal a transitory stage: (61) Pritu separao (Cabrera 1970:263). The spirit is separate. (62) Chino enganchao (Cabrera 1979:58) The Chinaman is caught. This tendency towards verbal simplification so common in creolized codes-is one of the most salient characteristics of Afro - Cuban bozal. Bozal has two basic verbal forms: the first is a reduction of the Spanish infinitive, e. g. muri, dici, llega while the second is similar to the Spanish third person singular present indicative: mira, sabe, mata, llega. The first form may be preceded by one of three markers: ya, which indicates perfective aspect and rarely appears in the corpus: (63) Ya yo ve la cosa mundo (Cabrera 1979159). I have seen the Cosa-Mundo Ta indicates duration, almost always in the present, but occasionally in the past: (64) iTue ta habla pue yo ta cucha (Cabrera 1976:65). You are speaking well, I am listening. (65) Yo no ta mira cuando Cuevita Mabona gonizando Cabrera 1979:174). I wasnt looking when Cuevita Mabona was dying. Va indicates future reference, and, bozal distinguishes between the future and other members of the irrealis category: (66) Nelle va Ilora (Fernandez 1868a:145). He/she/they is/are going to cry. When the first form is unmarked, it indicates punctuality in the past: (67) Ne muri jaya tiempo (Cabrera 1970:88). He died a long time ago. The second form, which is always unmarked, may refer to a habitual or iterative action. (68) Ta dia ute habla con mi (Cabrera 1970:lOS). You speak with me everyday. Similarly, it may signal irrealis modality, with the exception of the future: (69) Si yo me muere. (Cabrera N. d.:Record No. 14, side 2) It is used as an imperative as well: (70) Trae akuko (Cabrera 1971:77). Bring a rooster. (71) Ndiambo, mira le lo (Cabrera N. d.:Record No. 6, side 2). Spirit, look at the watch. It seems to us that the features analyzed here are sufficient to demonstrate that bozal exhibits grammatical characteristics simplification of verbal forms, variable absence of copula, a tendency toward paratactic constructions, etc.-that clearly distinguish it from other Spanish dialects. On the other hand, these features are shared by other widely documented and studied creole languages. Let us now explore the socio-historical processes that made its birth possible and that eventually promoted its demise as a regular vehicle of communication. 11. Historical Development Some scholars such as Sidney Mintz (1971) and Humberto Mpez Morales (1981) have concluded that social conditions in Cuba and in other Spanish possessions were not favorable for the formation and development of creole languages, except in rare circumstances such as the ones surrounding San Basilio de Palenque, in Colornbia. It s true that historical circumstances in Cuba-when seen as a whole-do not seem propitious for the development and maintenance of a stable creole throughout the country, as was the case in many other European possessions in America. Today, it is clear, however, that far from being a uniform institution, slavery was actually an extremely fluid social reality, which adapted in many different ways to its environment, bringing forth in it many dissimilar reactions. In Cuba, as shall be seen, slavery exhibited different traits at different historical periods and under diverse social conditions. Urban slavery diverged from rural slavery. The institution was not the same at the early historical stages of conquest and colonization and later, after Cuba became a fully developed colony. For this reason, what would not take place on a general level throughout the country could occur-and in fact did occur-in some separate geographical regions or in some individual sectors of society. Thus, some very specific factors of the ever-changing slavery system promoted pidginization and creolization in certain parts of the island whereas in other regions and sectors they provoked a rapid displacement toward the superestrate language. The history of slavery in Cuba can be divided into two distinct stages: the pre-plantational period, which comprises the sixteenth, the seventeenth, and part of the eighteenth centuries, and a second phase which emerges during the second half of the eighteenth century and lasts until the abolition of slavery in 1886. Since the sugar plantation becomes the economic core of this second period, I shall call it the plantational stage. After the brief gold rush of the first colonists, Cuban economy was based primarily on the breeding of cattle. This activity demanded vast uninhabited spaces for pasture and very few laborers. For a long time, the most dynamic factor in the Cuban economic complex was the stay of the fleets in the port of Havana. These sources of income, however, were not sufficient to guarantee a high index of growth. The colonists decided to explore other venues of economic development. First, copper mining, whose age of splendor-never extraordinary--ended around 1610. Also, the building of ships, an industry which did not consolidate until the middle of the eighteenth-century. Last but not least, the cultivation of tobacco and the production of sugar cane, which during the sixteenth and the seventeenth centuries was of secondary importance. For the first two and a half centuries of Cuban history, the countrys pre-plantational economy was based primarily on agriculture (mostly tobacco), cattle raising, and crafts. Capitalist development was still incipient, semifeudal remnants were numerous, and class tensions were relatively mild. Cuba was composed primarily of very small communities-the only important city was Havana and small productive units in which masters and laborers were able to establish direct and intimate personal contacts. In other words, it was a society open to the mitigating factors of slavery and not favorable for the maintenance of African languages and the formation of pidgins and creoles. The shift toward Spanish was, at this time, the dominant sociolinguistic force. Songing bird Christina Milian is of Afro-Cuban ancestry Traditional Cuban historiography maintained that the island had remained in total socioeconomic lethargy until the British, who overtook Havana from 1762 to 1763, opened the doors to commerce and unleashed, as if by magic, the forces that would lead to the creation of a new society. Ramiro Guerra (1938:129, 175-176) was a dissenting voice with respect to these views. More recently, Levi Marrero (1978a, 1978b, 1980) has amply demonstrated that the British aggression was preceded by six decades of sustained economic growth. Those years saw the emergence of an incipient capitalist class which descended primarily from the old cattle ranch oligarchy. This class, which acquired substantial wealth between the years of 1741 and 1762, invested primarily in the tobacco and the sugar industries, and these would soon displace cattle raising from the dominant position it maintained until then in the islands economy. In the second half of the eighteenth century, then, Cuba was ripe for the revolution that would irrevocably transform its social structure. In the 1760s the island had sufficient population and economic development for a transition toward an economy dominated by sugar production. A series of international events, such as the Haitian revolution, would also push it in the direction of a sui generis plantational society, similar in some respects to those of Jamaica, Haiti and other European colonies in the Caribbean, but at the same time very different from them a plantational society that operated under the sign of a peculiar dualism, since the traditional and rather moderate forms of slavery coexisted, in precarious balance, with the new brutal ways of plantation slavery, based primarily on the intensive exploitation of human labor. The establishment of an economy dominated by sugar production promoted the massive importation of slaves. It is estimated that, through legal or illegal means, more than 700,000 slaves arrived in Cuba in less than a century. Levi Marrero (1983:1, translation mine) explains it thus: In 1774, the colored population amounted to 75,180 persons, 60 percent of which were slaves in 1867, the inhabitants with African blood added up to 793,318, and 58 percent were slaves. This multiplication by 7.9 in 93 years is not a sign of a high natural rate of growth of the black and mulatto population on the contrary, this figure masks a tragic demographic reality, since no less than 752,000 Africans were introduced in the island, legally or illegally, between 1764 and 1868. A vast and complex ethnic, cultural, and linguistic diversity characterized the African regions from which the Cuban slaves originated. Some groups-the Yoruba, for instance--were well represented and their languages survived until today, under the protection of their religious functions. Most tongues, however, disappeared rather quickly. Any process of massive repopulation carries with it inevitable cultural and linguistic consequences. And the earliest references to Afro-Cuban bozal speech are from the period of transition toward a plantational economy, in other words, between 1750 and 1800. Pedro Agustin Morell de Santa Cruz, the new bishop of Cuba, arrived in Havana in 1754. He soon asked the priests to try to learn the African languages spoken by slaves. If this were not possible, they, at the very least, ought to learn bozal: They therefore have need of a special minister who accommodates to their rudeness and speaks to them with great clarity, repeating the same thing over and over again, and who can teach them in the accents and the corrupt ways in which they pronounce the Spanish language. In other words, the Bishop proposed the use of bozal as a vehicle of communication between priests and slaves. A few years later, in 1796, Antonio Nicolas Duque de Estrada stressed the same principles in his catechism entitled Explicacion de la doctrina christiana acomodada a la capacidad de 1os negros bozales, and unwittingly offered us an initial description of Afro-Cuban bozal: So that (the slaves) may understand, it is necessary to use familiar comparisons, and, as much as possible, one must refer to those things that they use: the oxen, the mares, the shacks, the plots, the sugar mill boilers, etc. and as often as possible one should speak to them in the language that they use, without cases, without tenses, without conjunctions, without agreement, without order. The sudden arrival of hundreds of thousands of Africans in the plantational period left a profound mark in Cubas cultural and linguistic development. What was the fate of African slaves who arrived in the island after their long voyage A fortunate few would remain in the cities as domestic servants, and they would be in constant contact with the Spanish speaking population. For these, the process of shifting toward Spanish started immediately. Most Africans, however, were taken to the sugar and the coffee plantations. In the plantations, slaves shared their lives with people of very diverse ethnic and linguistic origin. Their contacts with whites were few and, as a result, their exposure to the Spanish language was limited and sporadic. Let us examine, as an example, the ethnic composition of the personnel at the San Felipe and Santiago sugar mill, in Jibacoa, at the end of the eighteenth century. In 1786 there were 74 slaves, four of them Cuban-born. There were 31 carabalies (from the Calabar region), 14 congos (Bantu), and one lucumi (Yoruba). Marrero (1984:219) tells us that the personnel included one mayoral (overseer) from Guanabacoa, one contramayoral (driver) from Puerto Principe, and three free workers, one of them from the Canary Islands. In most cases, overseers were white and drivers were black. If the three free workers were white, the proportion of blacks at the mill was of 93.7 percent. These conditions, far from being exceptional, were the usual ones throughout the century dominated by a plantational slave economy, particularly in the large centers of sugar production in the provinces of Havana and Matanzas. There are still towns in these two regions where over 90 percent of the population is black. Situations such as these are extremely favorable for a process of pidginization and creolization. As Gillian Sankoff (1979:24-25) explains: The plantation system is so crucial because it was unique in creating a catastrophic break in linguistic tradition that is unparalleled. It is difficult to conceive of another situation where people arrived with such a variety of native languages where they were so cut off from their native language groups where the size of no one language group was sufficient to insure its survival where no second language was shared by enough people to serve as a useful vehicle of intercommunication and where the legitimate language. was inaccessible to almost everyone. I think that to understand what happened in any particular case, we must become better historians. We must learn more about their conditions on plantations in order to understand what kinds of communication possibilities existed there, and how these affected pidginization In the case of Cuba, there exists documentary proof of pidginization. Several scholars make reference (Pichardo 1875 Ortiz 1916 Mpez Morales 1971 Moreno Fraginals 1978) to word lists of diverse provenance that were used by masters as a rudimentary form of communicating with African slaves.27 Let us examine some of these terms: cucha-cucha: to hear, to listen llari-llari: to cry, to get sick quiquiribd: to die mano-machete (literally: machete hand): right mano-garabato (literally: garabato hand): left. Actress Rosario Dawson is of Afro-Cuban ancestry Unfortunately, those who have studied this topic have limited themselves to exploring the probable origin of these lexical items, without commenting on their importance as a clear documentary evidence of pidginization. Mpez Morales (1981:326) argues, for instance, that only one of these words, piquinini, is of probable Portuguese origin and that this fact disproves that bozal was a creolized code. The difficulty resides in identifying all possibility of pidginization and creolization with the theory that traces the origin of all Caribbean creoles to a Portuguese-based African creole, later relexified. Today the monogenetic theory is in a frank process of revision. What is important about these word lists is that they document the existence of a simplified code which made use of reduplication (a frequent feature of pidgins) and which served a communicative purpose between slaves and plantation administrators. Furthermore, plantation slaves rarely shared the same tribal or cultural origin (Moreno Fraginals 1978:8). This means, then, that the pidginized code had to serve as well as an elementary form of communication among many Africans who did not share a common language. It does not seem probable that a stable pidgin emerged in Cuba. Rather, the conditions in which rural slaves lived required a rapid expansion of the pidginized variety in order to more adequately satisfy their communicative demands. Although not a great deal of data on which to base my hypotheses exists, the historical information seems to indicate that Cuba must have passed from a pre-pidgin continuum to an accelerated process of creolization. Some nineteenth century Cuban writers referred to Afro-Cuban bozal speech. Esteban Pichardo (1875:x, translation mine) describes it thus in his Diccionario Provincial casi razonado de Vozes y Frases Cubanas: Another relaxed and confused language can be heard daily throughout the island, everywhere, among blacks who come from Africa, as it happens with the French Creole of Santo Domingo: this language is common and identical among blacks, be they from any nation, and they keep it forever, unless they have come as young children: it is a disfigured, mumbled Castilian, without agreement, number, declension nor conjugation, without a strong R, without final S or D, LL is frequently confused with N, E with I, G with V, etc. in other words, a jargon that results more confusing in those who have most recently arrived but which can be understood by any Spanish speaker, with the exception of some words that are common to all and that need to be translated. Blacks born in Cuba speak the same as whites in their vicinity, although in Havana and Matanzas there are some called Cwros, that use an I instead of an R or an L sic. Pichardos observations, although inaccurate in some respects, are of extraordinary documentary value for several reasons. First, the scholar points out that bozal was a language common to all slaves, be they from any nation. I have already stated that Africans of very diverse ethnic and linguistic provenance were brought to Cuba as slaves. If bozal is simply a corrupt variety of Spanish, disfigured by the interference of multiple African languages, no one would expect such a code to be described as a language that is common to all. On the contrary, one would expect the members of each group to introduce specific features from their native tongues. In addition, Pichardo-like Duque de Estrada before him--describes some of the grammatical traits of bozal and I can corroborate that they coincide with those found in my corpus. Finally, the scholar very perceptively points out that bozal is similar to the Creole French spoken in Santo Domingo, in other words, to Haitian Creole. Actor Laz Alonzo is of Afro-Cuban ancestry One of Pichardos affirmations, however, seems to disprove that a process of creolization took place in Cuba. It is well known that the principal creators of a creolized code are the members of the second generation-the children of foreignerswho expand it and use it as a native language. Pichardo states that blacks born in Cuba speak the same as whites, a thesis also sustained by Bachiller y Morales (1881:l00-101) and apparent in the 19th century vernacular theater, in which bozal speech was exclusively reserved for African characters. The answer to this apparent contradiction can be found in the following affirmation of Jose Maria de la Torre (185454, translation and emphasis mine): Blacks born in Cuba can also be divided into those born in cities and towns, and those born and raised in the countryside (called criollos de campo countryside creoles) since the latter possess peculiar and rougher language and manners. In other words, the authors cited previously (including the vernacular theater playwrights) based their observations of bozal on the speech of urban blacks, whose living conditions disfavored the preservation of a creole language. De la Torre simply confirms an undisputable fact: in certain rural areas where the black population had little contact with whites, many descendants of African slaves regularly used bozal. This situation persisted until well advanced the present century. Once more Lydia Cabreras informants provide proof: Francisquilla Ibanez, Calixta Morales, Jose de Calazan Herrera, Juan OFarrill, J. S. Baro-none of them was born in Africa. All of them spoke in bozal well into the 20th century. By that time, however, use of bozal was exceptional, rather than common. Just as historical developments favored the formation of Afro-Cuban bozal, further historical events provoked its demise as an everyday language and promoted its displacement by standard Cuban Spanish. During the 1860s, the slave trade was abolished and, with it, the continued linguistic contact with the African continent. Later, the Ten Years War (1868-1878) and other developments led to the eventual abolition of slavery in 1886. The change from slave to free labor coincided with a period of revolution in the sugar industry. Small, traditional sugar mills were displaced by huge centrales that attracted workers from many different parts of the country toward the central and eastern regions. A massive process of internal migration took place and substitution of bozal by Spanish intensified. Blacks and whites fought together in the War of Independence (1895-1898) Later, in the Republican era, the railroad--which brought together eastern and western Cuba at the beginning of the twentieth century--and the construction of the Central Highway had a strong integrative impact on the Cuban population. The use of standard Spanish was also favored by increased access to formal education and to the media, particularly to radio broadcasts. These are some of the reasons why usage of bozal as a regular system of communication was restricted by the 1950s to older people, especially in those regions where the black population remained relatively stable and isolated. It is precisely in those areas-some towns of Matanzas like El Perico, Pedro Betancourt, and Uni6n de Reyes, for instance--where the original African tongues were preserved as vernacular languages for a longer period of time. Today, all Afro-Cuban languages (Lucumi, Congo, and Abakua) as well as bozal are used exclusively for religious purposes. 111. Religious Usage Both Regla de Ocha (Santena) and the various Reglas Congas (Palo Mayombe, Kimbisa, etc.) make use of Afro-Cuban bozal speech. Congo rituals rather early initiated a process of shift from the original language toward Spanish, as can be observed in the many mambos, or songs, that are intoned in standard Spanish. Many others, as can be attested by attending congo liturgies and by listening to Lydia Cabreras (no date) music recordings, are entirely in bozal. This language is also the preferred means of addressing the spirits of the dead during congo ceremonies. Lydia Cabrera (1979:121, translation and emphasis mine) explains: It is curious that the Nganga priests that we have met, who spoke and knew long prayers in Congo language, would mix the Bantu words with Spanish ones pronounced as boroles in addressing the spirits, something that does not happen in the case of the Olorichas (santeros) who know their language well and address their gods in Anago (Yoruba). An old Congo priest explains, with more or less accuracy, that this was done by Congos and their children for the benefit of the rellollos (members of the third generation) at a time when everyone spoke Spanish, just in case a munangueye (a brother) could not understand them and bemuse his is the way the dead people liked to talk, since hey spoke in bozal. In other words, members of the very pragmatic congo Reglas, devoted primarily to the cult of the dead and to their manipulation through magical means, use bozal or Spanish in addressing the spirits, since the African tongue may not have been their native language. On the other hand, members of Regla de Ocha trust in the linguistic competence of their orishas (deities), who may understand Spanish, but prefer their native Yoruba. Both paleros and santeros frequently participate in misas espirituales (spiritual masses), that is, synchretic rituals whose primary objective is to seek communication with and protection from the spirits of the dead, particularly through the provocation of the state of trance in one or more mediums. In all the misas espirituales attended by me, trance speaking has been in bozal. Although most speakers employ a number of traditional bozal features (verbal invariability, paratactic constructions, lack of gender and number agreement), by no means is the bozal used in these sessions a uniform code. Some, for instance, employ verbal inflections more frequently than others. It is believed that the closer this lengua (language) resembles Spanish, the more refined the dead person was in his or her life. Nevertheless, it is important to keep a formal distinction between Spanish (the language of everyday interaction) and the code supposedly employed by the spirits of the dead. This distinction serves two principal purposes: 1) it emphasizes the difference between normal profane talk and communication with the spirits 2) it symbolically distinguishes between the initiated, adept at understanding bozal, and the beginners or uninitiated, who miss a great deal of what is being said due to their lack of competence in this code. Some features observed by me in one informant are the following: 1. Unification of subject and object pronouns: 5. The lexicon is for the most part Spanish, but there is a frequent substitution of more contemporary or sophisticatedn terms by older or simpler ones, sometimes associated with the slave experience: baracon (barracon slave quarters) instead of casa (house) agua ri Papa Rio (literally: agua de Papa Dios water of Daddy God) rather than agua bendita (holy water) karo mucho buya (literally: carro mucha bulla car lots of noise) in place of ambulance welerura (hueledura) instead of perfume (perfume). It is important to stress that, in spite of variations, there is a considerable degree of internal coherence in the bozal speech of this informant, and that communication is rapid and fluid. It is evident in listening to her that her speech performance, far from being chaotic or random, is governed by grammatical and phonological rules. It is obvious, moreover, that this person could not have attained this linguistic competence by simply reading written sources in which bozal appears. Attendants to the misas espirituales speak to the spirits in Spanish, who always respond in bozal. Since some may not understand what is being said to them, certain older and more experienced members of the religious community assume the role of interpreters and translate the spirits messages. Bozal, then, still plays an important role in Afro-Cuban religion and it is solely in this context that it has been preserved until today. Any attempt at verifying prior creolization must take into consideration, as Rickford (1977) has pointed out, linguistic and sociohistorical criteria. Both are essential in analyzing the peculiar fate of Afro-Cuban bozal and its accelerated rate of change. A plantational economy and society emerged and disappeared in Cuba in record time: a little over a century of profound technical, demographic, political, and social transformations. In parallel fashion, the sociolinguistic profile of the island suffered radical alterations. One of them was the emergence of a creolized language called bozal, which in the same period of time was born, developed, and disappeared as a regular means of communication, while retaining important religious functions. Language is always intimately related to the ways in which people think, feel, work, and live. The evolution of Afro-Cuban bozal speech vividly illustrates this relationship.

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